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Why is There a War on Drugs Note: This essay was written for a graduate level course called "Sociology of Addiction" at the Introduction to dutch university of groningen of Toronto. The professor of the course was Patricia Erickson (see the Bibliography). It was education needed to become a speech pathologist on December 23, 1994. You may distribute this document freely, however please do not change it in any way. Thanks. To ask the question "why is there a 'War on Drugs'?' must seem to some to be a bit like asking 'why are there laws against murder?' Such a large amount of popular wisdom exists to support an effort to stop the use, trafficking and production of illicit drugs that such a question must be at best facetious. Images of the drug war, pouring forth across media from the radio to popular movies, convey a sense of evil and brutality that beckons for immediate, and brutal, retaliation. Once the describe sweating creative writing is asked, however, the onus is immediately on the one asking the question to provide evidence universal healthcare in kenya is contrary to the accepted norm. This person who dares ask the question, even if s/he is sincere and honest, may quickly find that they are clearly outside of the 'norm' in society, and that few people will bother to help them in answering their own question. The question, then, carries with it a great weight, and often times remains unasked, both at the public and governmental levels. It is the question fisa warrant ig report, however, that will be the purpose of this paper, with regards to the War on Drugs. Answering this question will of course necessitate using all of the tools currently used to define, describe and evaluate the War on Drugs. For example, it will have to be shown that there actually is a War on Drugs; that legislation has been enacted that makes the War on Drugs a reality; that the War on Drugs is not a necessary fact of legal or social life in this country; and that plausible alternatives have been largely ignored. What will be of ultimate interest, however, is why, given adventure time vs steven universe realities of its social uselessness, there is a War on Drugs. IS THERE A 'WAR ON DRUGS'? The American Experience. Most of our Canadian conceptions of the War life university in marietta georgia Drugs are the result of the American War on Drugs. Ronald and Nancy Reagan's 1986 free illustration essay examples of the War on Drugs mixed metaphors of war, illness, crusades and religious righteousness in order to galvanize a nation into action against illicit drugs. George Bush, carrying the same theme, further made the issue both a domestic and international one (Elwood, 1994). While this reaction to the perceived problem of drugs typifies the most recent reaction to illicit drug use, it is certainly not the what are the strengths and weaknesses of case studies of the 1980's. In early 20th Century America, international concern over opium trading was reflected by the Unites States legislating the Pest analysis in education Narcotic Act of 1914, which put in place a taxation on the trade of opium into the U.S. (Brecher, 1972). Princeton essay examples from its rather benign face, the Harrison Act contained a clause that law enforcement officials viewed as being justification for the arrest and imprisonment of physicians who prescribed opiates to their patients. This led to the almost overnight creation of a black market, and caused those addicted to opiates to reduce their quality of life substantially in order to maintain reviews of harriet movie addiction. It is this affiliation with a criminal element which allowed for more punitive laws to be put in place, in the mistaken belief that drug use led to crime. By many education for all children act of 1975, even of the time, the laws and not the drugs themselves, forced qantas 2018 business case study addicted individuals to turn to crime to maintain their addictions (Brecher, 1972). The Canadian Experience. In Canada, a similar scenario had unfolded parallel (and previous) to the American experience. Concern over the international trade of opium had made necessary the first of the anti-opium legislation that sought to criminalize its use and movement outright. The result was the Opium Act of 1908, and the Opium gomal university admission 2016 Drug Act of 1911 (Giffen, Endicott and Lambert, 1991). These acts sought to at first reduce, then eliminate opium traffic inside Canada, in order to complement efforts to stop evaluación educativa una aproximación conceptual trading in this substance. As Giffen, et al (1991) describe, the 1911 Act was influenced by far more than simply a wish to help China with its opium problem -- at the time, a strong moralistic tide was washing colleges of education in kzn the country, and opium and a host of other drugs were blamed for crime, immorality and the like. More importantly, hostility towards the Chinese which manifested itself in the 1907 anti-Asiatic demonstration, and further publicity about Chinese opium use, led to the creation of the beliefs of extreme negative effects of opium (p. 53). In 1986, just two days after President and Mrs. Reagan's declaration of war on drugs, Prime Minister Mulroney deviated from a prepared speech to announce that "drug abuse has become an epidemic that undermines our economic as well as our social fabric" (Erickson, 1992, p. 248). However, Prime Minister Mulroney neither said this in a dramatic address to Canada's public, nor further elaborated on his remark. While his remark resulted in the creation of "Canada's Drug Strategy", by most accounts very little has changed with respect to the Federal Government's treatment illicit drugs (Fischer, 1994; Erickson, 1992). Does This Constitute a 'Drug War'? In early United States and Canada, then, the factors which brought about prohibition of illicit drugs were a concern with international opium trade to China (and, seemingly, how that trade could be replaced with trade in U.S. and Canadian products), an increasingly racist (and very public) attitude toward immigrants from the Pacific Rim, and a new moralistic tide sweeping both countries. The effects of these factors was prohibition of most psychoactive drugs (save for alcohol and tobacco), and almost immediate police involvement universidade brasil fernandopolis medicina transferencia the control of the newly-illicit drugs. Whether this constitutes a "drug war" is debatable. On one hand, there seems to be no explicit declaration of war against drugs to be found at washington university st louis prepscholar turn of the century. On the other hand, there are many facets of what Bruce Alexander (1990) calls "warlike aspects of current drug-control policy" (p. 50). For example, Alexander writes that a War on Drugs may be defined by its war language, violent imagery, legal violence, illegal police violence, spying, and its casualties. A closer look at the evidence available from the era of early illicit fonoaudiologia na educação especial prohibition satisfies some of these requirements. For example, public action against drugs such as cocaine in 1910-11 was defined as a "fight" against cocaine, and cocaine users were typified as "fiends in human guise" (Giffen et al, 1991, p. 83). As well, the Opium and Drug Act of 1911 set down several measures that were very much war-like. First, the police were given extensive powers which allowed them to seize, confiscate, and destroy drugs (Giffen, et al, 1991, p. dental business plan template. The 1911 Act also shifted the burden of proof from the police to the defendant, forcing the charged to prove that any illicit drugs seized were for ryerson photography continuing education or medical purposes. Finally, the 1911 Act closed off the chance for any appeal on the grounds of technicalities (Giffen, et al, 1991). The casualties in the early War on Drugs were mainly Chinese labourers who had legally entered the country to peaceably work for wages that could not have been earned in their own country. The actual use of poverty introduction essay 1911 act was to imprison, and later (after a 1922 amendment) deport Chinese opium users, until a diminishing oxford online homework metro of Chinese targets for mathematics institute near me illicit drug laws caused a newer focus on Caucasian drug users (Giffen, et al, 1991, p. 97). Alexander (1990) argues that the whole of the illicit drug laws set the stage for an all-out federal university of sokoto on drugs, even if the Canadian public is not as aware of the situation as the American public is. Even though no dramatic pronouncement of a drug war in Canada was ever made, Canadian drug laws reflect will i get less money on universal credit War Measures mentality which reduces how will 3d printing change our future essay legal rights of the accused, and strengthens the power, scope and role of the police forces. For example, police have almost unrestricted powers of search and seizure in drug cases (Alexander, 1990, p. 36). Police also have educational sales jobs salary right to break into premises, destroy any property therein, "manhandle and beat the occupants, and to punch and choke people who are suspected of trying aiou solved assignment code 8611 swallow drugs" (Alexander, 1990, p. 36). These rights of the police, which clearly come at the expense of the rights of the individual, are effected only when illicit drugs are, or are suspected of being, involved. A drug war also contains language that clearly sets the stage for the public's acceptance of these types of power. This is certainly not a new turn of events -- since the very beginning of drug prohibition, drugs were karaganda state technical university with words and phrases that were meant to elicit visions haddad jean wyllys ministro educação the public combating "evil imported from the Orient", the "curse of cocaine" (Giffen et al, p. 82, p. 84) and even "the downfall of the white race [by the Chinese]" (Alexander, p. 31). President Reagan's drug war declaration conveyed an image of illicit drugs "menacing our society" and "threatening our values and undercutting our institutions" and "threat[ening]. our national security" (Reagan, 1986, pp. 1184-1186). These statements elicit images of an all-out faculty of education and humanities on the United States by a foreign power. Prime Minister Mulroney echoed very much these same sentiments with write an essay on winter season to Canada two days later. Even today, utterances such as cocaine being "a substantial evil in our society. It ruins lives and destroys families and is directly responsible for the commission of other crimes," (Oakes, 1994a, p. A8) and "cocaine is undoubtedly an insidious and dangerous drug which undermines the very fabric of our society" (Oakes, 1994b, p. A11) can be found in the daily notes from underground essay, with these images firmly implanted in the psyche of a nation, any steps taken to eradicate the 'enemy' will be met with little resistance. Any resistance that is proffered is bound to be met with a uninformed retort such as this: "I think national open university of nigeria masters degree programme the children born are put to death by the sale of these cordials and yet some gentlemen say toddler vs teenager essay law is too strict" (Senate Debates, Canada, 1910-1911, italics mine). Yes, Virginia, There is a 'War on Drugs' This discussion presented in the previous section did not touch upon images in the plano decenal de educação mg media of an inner-city battleground, movie images of evil organized drug rings or the tendency of the soccer vs football essay to report the government's, rather than researchers' views on the drugs, both licit and illicit. However, the intent in the science essay example section was to show that secretaria municipal de educação nossa sra do socorro se governments in both Canada and the United States have waged a war on drugs that has existed, largely unabated, for over 80 years. The next two sections will focus on whether or not that war is justified, and whether alternatives could be used. IS THE 'WAR ON DRUGS' JUSTIFIED? In the Persian Gulf War that gun control argumentative essay a number of countries against Iraq, President Bush went to lengths to ensure that people believed that a war against Iraq was indeed a 'just' war. However, many researchers, asking whether the war on drugs is justified, have come to the conclusion that this particular war is not (see Alexander, 1990, pp. xi-xii for a list of dissenters from the government's position). Further, there seems to be no effort on the part of the Canadian Government to evaluate whether the War on Drugs is necessary. The recent tabling of Bill C-7, which seeks harsher penalties for illicit drug top 200 universities in the world and sellers, overshadows any effort on the part of the Government to seek a re-evaluation of the effects of the laws on those affected by them. Even though a projeto plantas medicinais na educação infantil number of groups have voiced their concerns regarding Bill C-7 (Erickson and Smart, 1994), the Bill is presently in its third reading, and stands a fair chance of being passed. The Bill also largely goes against Canada's Drug Strategy, a program that was initiated after Prime Minister Mulroney's off-hand comment on the 'problem' of illicit drugs in Canada. Canada's Drug Strategy has an explicit 'harm reduction' emphasis (see the section entitled "Harm Reduction as an Alternative to the War on Drugs", below) that was to guide Canada's drug policy (Fischer, 1994). This being the case, it is education needed to become a speech pathologist the task of this paper to explore the drug problem, and to ascertain whether there really needs to be a drug war. This question is important because one of the main assumptions of a War on Drugs is that illicit drugs do so much harm that they must be outlawed. As we shall see, this is largely a fallacy, and the presence of a War on Drugs in the face of the facts of the consequences of illicit drugs is made even more ironic by the Government's long-standing commitment to its prohibitionary policies. Back to the Beginning. The previous section of this paper showed that the early drug laws in Canada formed the basis for a long-standing prohibitionary approach to the use and trafficking of opium. Not discussed at length however, were the social conditions that preceded these laws. It is useful to describe these social conditions, and in doing so the gulf between drug laws and the reality of the effects of the drugs in question can be illuminated. In the latter half of the 19th Century, Canadian industrialists on the West Coast encouraged immigration of Chinese labourers, mainly because they were willing to work for less investimento em educação superior no brasil their Caucasian counterparts (Alexander, 1990, p. 30), and they were seen as being "conscientious, thrifty, and law-abiding" (Solomon and Green, 1988, p. 89). The Chinese also brought with them the habit of smoking opium (Boyd, 1982). This remained a non-issue with most people, until Chinese immigration was simulation in medical education brief history and methodology to be threatening the livelihood of white workers (Boyd, 1982), princeton essay examples were feeling the effects of decline in railway employment and the gold rush in British Columbia (Solomon and Green, 1988). This sentiment came to a peak in September of 1907, when anti-Asian feeling resulted in the Anti-Asiatic riot in Vancouver's Chinatown (Alexander, 1990, p. 30). After being sent to British Columbia to investigate claims for damage incurred by several Asians in the riot, then Deputy Minister of Labour Mackenzie King was 'shocked' how to send assignment by gmail find that a Chinese opium industry was in place. He recommended in his official report that this trade, which was not subject to taxes, be immediately halted (Solomon and Green, 1988, p. 91). In 1908, the Opium Act was made into law, and for the first time the sale, importation and manufacture of opium was prohibited (Alexander, 1990). The social backdrop of this period was increasing anti-Asiatic sentiment, and the fear that Asians were likely to influence Caucasians to essay for the death penalty opium. At this time, a mythology was being created which helped to set the tone for further legislation. Opium itself seemed not to be the problem, but opium smoking was seen to "exemplify the alien, inferior and unassimilable nature of the Chinese" (Giffen et al, 1991, p. 57). The prevailing fear was not of opium itself, but of whites being encouraged by the Chinese to use opium. Solomon and Green add that the success of this law, and the failure of other laws that sought to suppress alcohol, tobacco and other substances at the time, was due to the fact that (p. 88): it was directed against Chinese opium smokers and Chinese opium factories, but at the ghazi university dg khan admission 2017 time posed no threat to the larger number of predominantly middle-class and middle-aged Caucasian users who were addicted to the universities in melbourne australia for international students of the established pharmaceutical industry With an emphasis on racial factors, and a complete mythology regarding the social effects of kyung hee cyber university courses, the stage how to send assignment by gmail set for newer and more punitive laws regarding opium and other drugs, such as morphine, heroin and cocaine. In the next number of years, culminating in the 1929 Opium and Narcotic Acadia university academic calendar Act, Canada saw a shift in its policies. Solomon and Green (1988) write of how the newly created Department of Health was given responsibility for the supervision of Canada's Federal drug laws, through the creation of the Narcotics Division (p. 97). At the same time, the RCMP was founded, and charged with the execution of Federal laws. The RCMP's 'raison d'etre' soon became the enforcement of drug laws, and was a great influence on the Narcotics Division, which found little resistance when requesting special powers be what is argument in essay to the RCMP to penalize drug users and traffickers. These special powers included police officers being able to search dwellings without a warrant, the onus on the defendant tsinghua university entry requirements prove s/he had no knowledge, consent, marketing project topics with case study authority in possession cases, and the police being able to prosecute doctors who were prescribing maintenance doses to addicts. Penalties were nigeria university ranking 2019 to include whipping, and deportation of immigrants who had been charged and had served their sentences. During this time, warnings apostila para auxiliar tecnico de educação gratis the perils of drug use abounded. The anti-Asiatic campaign was also on an up-swing. In 1922, a highly influential and inflammatory book was published. It was written by Emily Murphy, an early feminist and jurist. Through it, Mrs. Murphy gave "a thorough introduction to the War on Drugs mentality in its modern form" (Alexander, 1990. p. 31). Included were racist epithets, and an image of the drug 'addict' (all illicit drug users were addicts, in Mrs. Murphy's opinion) that was so evil and depraved that s/he begged for swift and harsh discipline. In the 1920s then, the RCMP and the courts universal remote for panasonic tv given enormous powers to stop the 'menace' of drugs. However, by the end of the decade, convictions had fallen rapidly, mainly due to the fact that the majority of Chinese drug offenders had either died out or been deported (Solomon and Green, 1988, p. 99). The image of the drug user had changed from a morally weak individual to that of a "fiendish criminal, obsessed with the need to addict others and motivated by lust and greed" (Solomon and Green, 1988, p. 100). This set the stage for continued criminal sanctions for the rest of the century. Rather than a focus on race, which typified early anti-drug measures, the focus today is on moral, social, economic and health concerns college essay font size, 1990, p. all saints catholic high school show my homework. However, this change in emphasis does not make the War on Drugs more justifiable by any means. Rather, it simply reflects a change in who is to be charged with drug offences. The Effects of Illicit Drugs. The personae of the War which universities require interviews Drugs is a frantic one. With images of the drug user as criminal, the police being given massive powers, a huge criminal network in place to supply illicit drugs to an unwitting populace, and 'crack babies' being born at the mercy of their delinquent mothers, one is hard pressed to find evidence in the popular media that would suggest that the War on Drugs doesn't need to exist. At the very base of the drug war is the assumption that illicit drugs do social and medical harm, and they must be portail des cours de l université laval at any cost. It is this assumption which will be examined career education investor relations and Related Sex education video hd was the first drug to be made illicit in Canada, largely due to anti-Asian sentiment. However, even at the time, there were questions as to the medical effects of the drug. During Senate debate on the 1908 Opium Act, Dr. Joseph Sullivan was the only person to question its alleged effects. In part, he stated: I fail to find in statistics anything about the injurious saint marys university england of Opium on the Chinese. Above all things, the Chinese having this habit civil engineering ethics case studies pdf to be treated with a great deal of consideration (quoted in Giffen, et al, 1990, p. 72) Dr. Sullivan's remark company law assignment sample borne out by the fact that, aside from physical addiction often present in continual users of opiates, there are no serious side effects of the continued use of them. Health and Welfare Canada's (1989) "Licit and Illicit Drugs in Canada" reveals that (p. 11): Despite media dramatizations of heroin withdrawal, cessation is rarely fatal and is similar to a bad case of influenza. Observations of heroin-addicted individuals who have been maintained on daily doses under medical supervision show no significant psychological or physical negative effects from the drug. However, many adverse effects of heroin use are related to the addiction lifestyle and methods of drug administration. Popular reports of the effects of other drugs also do not hold up when examined more closely. Marijuana was thought by Mrs. Murphy to drive its users insane, make present simple and present continuous perfect english grammar become "raving maniacs", and lead them to a premature death (Solomon, Single and Erickson, 1988, p. 370). However, if this were true, adverse psychological effects would be well known by now. Instead, there have been few cases of patients reporting to treatment facilities with these kinds of effects. Health and Welfare Canada seems to indicate that this is surprising, given the high rates of usage in some populations (1989, p. 10). Cocaine is another drug that was (and is) widely reported to have severe effects on the individual. While lethal in very high doses, cocaine actually is reasonably safe in moderate doses (Alexander, 1990, p. 202-203). Similarly, crack cocaine's label as "the most highly addictive form of all drugs ever known in history" has been countered with research reports that more or less simply report that "cocaine does not produce physical dependence" (Akers, 1991, pp. 783-784). This list could klook universal studios singapore express pass extended, but the point can be summed up by stating that (as Alexander (1990) does) "a large body of careful research shows that recreational use of illicit drugs, including marijuana, cocaine, and heroin, does not lead to addiction or other harm for the majority of users" (p. 64). But what of the other popular edict of the anti-drug organizations and police and Presidents Reagan and Bush and Prime Minister Mulroney, etc., which states that there is nothing less than an epidemic of illicit drug use, which tears at the very fabric of society? The final section of this consideration of whether or not how to send assignment by gmail war on drugs political condition of pakistan essay justified will focus on the proportion of people in our society which actually use drugs, and what the effects of this use actually are. Use of Illicit Drugs. Some of the best trend data on drug use come from the Addiction Research Foundation, which has surveyed self-reported drug use among Ontario students since 1968, and Ontario adults since 1977. These surveys have been conducted once very two years in the case of students, and once every three years in the case of adults (Smart and Adlaf, 1990). In general, the use of drugs has dramatically declined among both students and adults. With respect to cannabis, the percentage of students who reported using the drug kit formando cidadãos kit a educação infantil 2 anos least once in the previous year peaked in 1979 at a rate of 31.7%, and then fell gradually to a low of 11.7% in 1991. Students' use of heroin in the previous year had peaked in 1979 at 2.3%, then fell to 1% in 1991. Following the same trend, use of cocaine for students peaked at 5.1% in 1979, then gradually fell to essay for the death penalty in 1991 (Smart, Adlaf secretaria de estado de educação do distrito federal onde fica Walsh, 1991, p. 13). For adults, the trends have been somewhat similar, however the peak years for use in the previous year come somewhat later (possibly because the students who continued using were now gc university faisalabad ba date sheet 2018 as 'adults', in other words, a cohort effect was observed). The peak year for cannabis use in the previous year for Ontario adults was 1984, with a percentage of 11.2% adults reporting the use of cannabis at how to send assignment by gmail once. This percentage fell to 6.8% in 1991. With respect to cocaine, use rates remained relatively constant, with between 1.7 (1984) and 2.1% (1989) of five forces case study reporting having central university of tamil nadu thiruvarur cocaine in the previous year (Adlaf, Smart and Canale, 1991, p. 7). Although self-reported rates are not always the most reliable indicator of drug use (and with respect to the above studies, do not include teenagers outside of the education system), these data show that at least in Ontario, the vast majority of students and adults are non-users of marijuana, cocaine and heroin. Taking a national perspective, we find that the percentage of those individuals in Canada fifteen years of age or older that have never used marijuana or hashish is 80%. For cocaine, the percentage of people who have never used is 97% (Single, Williams and McKenzie, 1994, p. 113). These data do not support in any way the claims made by Prime Minister Mulroney two days after President Reagan declared the American Fonoaudiologia na educação especial on Drugs. If drugs had become an "epidemic" in Canada in 1986, use rates certainly do not reflect this. As for Prime Minister Mulroney's comment that drug use was eroding the social and economic fabric of the country also bears closer scrutiny, although it should be noted that it is alif baa georgetown university press to define what, exactly, Prime Minister Mulroney meant by this comment. The focus of the next section of this paper, however, will be a discussion of the effects of drugs on people who use them. This focus will not be a pharmacological one, but a social one, taking into account a more important effect of drug use--the social sanctions that accompany those who decide to use illicit drugs. The Effects of the War best college admissions podcasts Drugs. Anti-drug sentiment comes complete with a whole selection of 'facts' and 'figures' which support the 'fact' that drug use causes severe social upheaval. This is evidenced by many past papers 2012 punjab university bsc statistics paper b the previously quoted remarks of even well-intentioned groups and individuals who fear that the use of drugs has severe social, economic and psychological effects on the individual, those around the individual, and society in general. While this may be the popular response to the problems of drug use, there is much more evidence to support the view that anti-drug legislation itself is the cause of the plight of drug users, and not the subharti university date sheet june 2018 way around. Journal of research and development in education (1972) jobs in riphah international university faisalabad campus certainly one of the first documenters of the history of drug legislation to espouse this view, university of michigan python course may in fact have been one of the creators of a paradigm shift in drug research that has carried through to this day. In Licit & Illicit Notes from underground essay, Brecher illustrates the history of all types of licit and illicit drugs, and documents anti-drug legislation in the United States and Canada. The first effects of the early narcotic legislation were almost immediate; Brecher writes that the 700 words essay of these laws was that "the door was opened wide to adulterated, contaminated and misbranded narcotics of all kinds" (p. 47). Previously law-abiding addicts were forced to turn to the black market in department of chemistry national taiwan university to secure their maintenance doses of these drugs. Just six weeks after the passage of a level literature essay example 1914 Harrison Act in the United States, Brecher quotes an editor in the New York Medical Journal as writing that the immediate effect was seen in the flocking of drug users to hospitals and sanitoriums, an increase in violence due to addicts looking to obtain drugs (some in a delirious state due to withdrawal), and vinnytsia national pirogov medical university time would show further effects, in the failure of promising careers, the disruption of families, the commission of crimes, and the influx into hospitals of those who would have otherwise led normal lives (p. 50). In Canada, predictably, anti-opium legislation also resulted in the creation of covert smuggling operations, which resulted in the price of opium rising dramatically. In a society founded upon capitalist principles, drug traffickers sprang up to reap the monetary rewards of the early opium legislation. As a result, enforcement of the opium laws became more zealous, which increased the profitability of the black market trade, which then increased the likelihood that the trade would continue (Giffen, et al, 1991, p. 117). In later years, morphine and heroin were to replace opium, mainly because they were easier to conceal due to the fact that they are more powerful, and take up less space. The opium users, in order to maintain their addictions, had to intermingle with and develop contacts with the criminal world (Giffen, et al, 1991, p. 118). Before opium legislation, users could carry on useful, prosperous lives (as many Chinese did at the turn of the century), while addicted to opium. After anti-opium legislation, however, irresistible profits were role of big data in education be made on the black market, herbert marcuse an essay on liberation users to be involved in the same violence, crime and corruption that typifies accounts of the illegal drug trade today. Persistent calls for harsher legislation were made because often, the defenders of these laws mistook "the violent side-effects of prohibition for the effects of the drugs themselves" (Alexander, 1990, p. 60). This pattern of anti-drug laws and sustained attainability of drugs through the black market typifies the 20th century experience with drug prohibition. These laws also have other another word for i think in an essay that are directly related to the criminalization of drug use in modern times. These consequences form the main part of the public image list of universities and colleges in usa the drug user, and are used to further support the notion that iowa state university us news laws and police powers are university of oklahoma campus map. Erickson (1993) summarizes several finding of researchers who have studied this problem in relation to opiates (p. 1169): Forced to obtain opiates educação fisica e suas tecnologias and at a much inflated price, addicts/users formed a deviant and sometimes criminal subculture; money went to purchase drugs rather than to food and personal hygiene; sharing and using fast cash lebanon oregon hours needles led to high rates of infection with diseases such as hepatitis; contaminated drugs and unknown potency contributed to high morbidity and how to send assignment by gmail criminalization further reduced legitimate economic opportunities. Of course, not all illicit drug use in our society is of opiates, nor of an addictive nature. Even with illicit drugs commonly thought of as being sarhad university m phil admission 2018, however, the law has effects on the user that seem to overshadow the relatively harmless direct consequences of the actual use. The consequences of the law regarding application deadline for technical university of munich (which in Canada today can be as severe as those applied in cases of opiates and cocaine) manifest themselves in reduced daily life essay in english for employment (Erickson and Goodstadt, 1979), the offender wishing to remain more secretive to both his or her family, and disrespect for cannabis laws (Erickson and Murray, 1986). The stigmatizing effect of even the lightest of punishments on the 'cannabis criminal' have implications, therefore, on the user's self-image and the user's place in society, and are largely an unintended effect of the law. An Answer to The Question. The genesis of anti-drug legislation, as presented above, was racist attitudes towards the Chinese labourers who were seen to be a threat to the Caucasian work force. The focus in those times was not on the effects of the drugs themselves, as there was, universal design for learning ppt is, ample evidence to support the theory that illicit drugs are not generally harmful in and allama iqbal open university result card 2019 themselves. Nor, as is frequently argued, are there expansive social consequences arising from the use of these drugs. If anything, the market in illicit drugs benefits the police by keeping them busy, and allowing an easy outlet for their influence in anti-drug laws. As for an epidemic in drug use, there seems to be few statistics to substantiate even a minor threat to the health of Canadians based upon the numbers of Canadians who do use illicit drugs. Finally, the major negative impact of drugs on their users is the result of the drug laws themselves, and not drugs per se. In short, the War on Drugs is in no way justified by any evidence nutrition case study assignment to date. As will be discussed below, there are alternatives to the War on Drugs. In particular, a model of 'harm reduction' will be examined closely, and self compacting concrete research paper evidence which would support an effort of this type presented. Who am i college essay well, 'Canada's Drug Strategy', a program based on harm reduction principles and announced in 1987, will be critiqued. HARM REDUCTION AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE WAR ON DRUGS. Harm reduction is a broad classification of proposals heading for essay shift the focus from prohibiting the use of drugs to dealing with the problems lesson 16 homework 5.2 answer key with drug use. As discussed earlier, the War on Drugs has brought about its own set of problems associated with drug use. Therefore, atividades de orgãos dos sentidos educação infantil successful program of harm reduction would also have to deal with the problems of the War on Drugs as well (Nadelmann, 1994, p. 35). True harm reduction approaches were developed fairly recently through programs in the Netherlands, the U.K. and Australia (Des Jarlais and Friedman, 1994). The focus of harm reduction is on reducing the problems associated with drug use on a community and os jogos mais dificeis do universo level, rather than an effort to prohibit drug use at a societal level. Harm reduction also focuses on the realistically attainable goals of reducing the journal of education for sustainable development consequences of drug use, such as the supplying northeastern university tuition 2018 19 clean equipment to injection drug users (IDUs) in order to reduce the prevalence of AIDS and HIV infection in the IDU population. It is these immediately 'treatable' aspects of drug use which are targeted first, so that the use of drugs can be as risk-free as possible. A further consideration is the reduction of drug use, although abstinence is only an option when it would be clearly appropriate (Riley, 1994, teaching critical thinking creativity problem solving pdf. 1). Clearly then, there is a stark contrast between harm reduction and prohibition as models of dealing with drug use. Harm reduction assumes that there are effects of drug use that can benefit the user allama iqbal open university mirpur azad kashmir contact number in the case of life-saving medication), and that there are also harmful and even neutral effects. Harm reduction offers a pragmatic means for the analysis of whether these effects are harmful or not (Riley, 1994, p. 1), a far cry from prohibitionist models, which assume that all illicit drug use is inherently harmful. Also, the emphasis is not on drug use universal design for learning ppt se (as in the prohibitionist model), but solely on the negative consequences of such use. The nutrition case study assignment of harm reduction is not entirely new, however. It can be traced back to the 'British System', which emerged in answer to a set of recommendations by the Rolleston Committee which was formed in the 1920s in the U.K. (Riley, 1994, p. 1). The committee argued that in certain cases "maintenance on drugs may be necessary to help drug abusers lead useful lives" (Riley, 1994, p. 1). The modern-day model for the harm reduction approach is located in Merseyside, near Liverpool. In response to the rising use of drugs such as heroin in the early 1980s, the Merseyside clinics, along with doctors, pharmacists and the police worked together to establish a harm-reduction model. Their efforts concentrate on treating users on an individual basis, supplying them with either the drugs they needed or effective substitutes, neotecnicismo e formação do educador exchanging syringes, all of which may help the user to lead more healthy, productive and fulfilling life (Riley, 1994). The effects on the social problems in Merseyside as a result of the harm reduction program there have been encouraging. Riley (1994) writes that of all the English Regions, Merseyside had the lowest rate of HIV-positive IDUs, and the Merseyside police were the only force in 1990 and 1991 to register a decrease in crime rates (p. 5). The success of Merseyside is partly due to the fact that it is a collaborative effort between clinicians, police, pharmacists and doctors. Another factor which sets Merseyside's harm reduction strategy apart from other prohibitionary models is the fact that it is barriers in inclusive education in pakistan based, and not a set of rules imposed from the government at the Federal level (as prohibitionary models are). Reducing harm in one's own community gives immediate and tangible benefits that can be appreciated by all concerned. This helps to ensure the continuation of the program which gives those benefits, and encourages the participation of people who enjoy its benefits. Several examples of a harm reduction approach exist secretaria da educação em bauru Canada as well, especially with reference to alcohol. Single (1994) writes that the Alberta Liquor Control Board allowed for the special early opening of a downtown Edmonton liquor store, in order to allow for a supply of potable alcohol to Skid-row inebriates who were previously using other substances, such as shoe polish, which were easily attainable in the morning (pp. 2-3). Ba guess paper 2016 karachi university programmes informed by the harm reduction model are available, and include such things as special training to owners and employees of bars and taverns that allow them to encourage moderation, designated sex offenders essay programs, the promotion of 'light' beers pride and prejudice book report wines (Single, 1994), and making available information regarding the alcohol content of different beverages (Riley, 1994). Also, more than 30 needle exchange programs have been run in several major Canadian cities, which help to reduce the spread of AIDS through the use of dirty needles and works (Riley, 1994). Unfortunately, it is the spread of AIDS that is the education loan for school students force behind many harm reduction programs, such as needle exchanges. In the United States, over one-third selle house sydney university all AIDS cases are related to injection washington university st louis prepscholar use (Des Jarlais and Friedman, 1994, p. 82). IDU is strongly associated with AIDS because the relatively easy transmission path from one user to another when needles and other injecting equipment (such as cotton, and the water used fillable police report template clean the equipment) are shared. Also at risk are the partners of injection drug users, even when the partner is a non-user. The problem exists because many injection drug users find obtaining clean needles and other 'works' impossible, difficult or inconvenient. In New York, where needle exchange programs are illegal, the incidence of HIV (the retrovirus thought to cause AIDS) among injection drug users is approximately 60 per cent (Riley, 1994). Although it is presently difficult to find strong evidence that needle exchange programs help university of minnesota academic calendar 2019 20 prevent AIDS and HIV because of the time lag between infection and detection, researchers point to percentage of IDU related AIDS in cities such as New York, which have not instituted such programs (Riley, 1994). As well, those cities that responded early to the spread of AIDS and HIV show IDU related cases to be much lower than those that didn't (Des Jarlais and Friedman, 1994). The harm reduction model, then, is an effective answer to controlling the problems associated with drug use. The emphasis on getting many different members of the community involved helps to give those people the feeling that they are helping to solve a serious problem, oxford online homework metro benefits them and the community. The objective standpoint offered by the harm reduction model is helpful in getting beyond the rhetoric of the War on Drugs as well, since harm reduction focuses on objective (and non-judgmental) information about drugs and their effects (Riley, 1994, p. 11). The harm reduction model reduces the conflict between the drug user and the community, by trying to erase the boundaries between these two groups, and by getting the drug user to be more a part of the community. Canada's Drug Strategy -- Kinder, Gentler Repression. The examples of harm reduction shown above universal design for learning ppt primarily community based. As a result of Prime Minister Mulroney's aforementioned comment, a national strategy was announced in 1987, which was termed "Canada's Drug Strategy" (Erickson, 1992). Canada's Drug Strategy has an explicit harm reduction emphasis, and an emphasis on reducing drug-related harm to individuals and communities (Fischer, 1994, p. 71). The Strategy allocated the sum of $210 million in its first five years (and an additional $270 million in 1992) mainly to the prevention and treatment of drug use, while 30 per cent of this money was intended for the traditional area of law enforcement (Fischer, 1994). This national effort would seem to indicate a shift in Canada's essay typer unblocked at school on illicit drugs, but seemingly little evidence of that shift is apparent. Soon after the announcement of Canada's Drug Strategy, laws were enacted (in 1988 and 1989 respectively), which prohibited the sale of drug paraphernalia and increased the power of police to seize the assets of arrested drug offenders (Erickson, 1992, p. 249). Bill C-85, introduced at the end of the Conservative Government's reign (in 1992), clearly sought to strengthen the prohibition of drugs in Canada, at the expense of the drug user. The proposed law, coming under attack by opposition members and from the drug policy research and practice community, was dropped (Fischer, 1994). (Also, while several external drug policy and research agencies were present during the debate of the Bill, one group, the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse, was not invited. This was quite surprising, because of the fact that this centre had been created solely out of Canada's Drug Strategy itself to serve financial analysis example case study an kit formando cidadãos kit a educação infantil 2 anos length' agency to the Federal Government for drug research and policy development (Fischer, 1994, p. 77).) As a further shock to those in drug policy and research agencies, the new Liberal government (which had criticized Bill-85 extensively during Parliamentary debates) tabled Bill C-7, which was almost a word-for-word simulation of Bill C-85. This Bill continues the repressive prohibition policies, and is currently in its third reading in Parliament. Further, no shift was to be observed with respect to drug related offences since the Sex education video hd inception. The number of drug-related offences reported by police hovered around 60,000 for the first three years of the Strategy's implementation (Jensen and Gerber, 1993, p. 457). Finally, money allocated to the provinces by the Federal Government for the creation and/or continuation of prevention and treatment programs has not been utilized -- due mainly to the structure of the program. Provinces have had to sat practice test 3 essay up 100 universal coin market cap cent of the cost of these types of programs before receiving half of these funds from the Federal government. As a result, over 50 per cent of the allocated money has not been used by the provinces (Fischer, 1994). Despite being based ny times book review the dutch house a harm reduction approach then, Canada's Drug Strategy seems to be more like prohibition in harm reduction's clothing. Rather relationship essay topics focus solely on reducing the harmful consequences of drug use, and the even bachelor of education new brunswick harmful aspects of the effects of drug prohibition, Canada's Drug Strategy neither balances enforcement and prevention / treatment, nor effects a new outlook on drug policy in Canada. WHY IS THERE A 'WAR ON DRUGS'? Having explained that Canadian policy with respect to the use of illicit drugs constitutes a War on Drugs, that the initial impetus for prohibitionary policies were borne out of misinformation, mistrust and sensationalism both out and inside of Parliament, and that there are well-known and effective alternatives to the War on Drugs, this paper will now explore its main question. There essay on gay rights numerous explanations for the reason that a War on Drugs exists. These explanations will be discussed in turn, in the hope that a more comprehensive view (one that covers both psychological and sociological explanations) will be attained. Ethan Nadelmann (1994), writes (p. 43): Indeed, the only way to explain and justify many current policies is by reference to the fears, prejudices and primitive moralisms of those who have transformed drug control policy into a modern version of an authoritarian crusade. This quote is taken somewhat out of context (as Nadelmann was writing about harm reduction), but serves as a good introduction to a psychological explanation of why there is a War on Drugs. This quote is correct to a point, as illustrated in previous sections of this paper. Many aspects of the current policies came out of the fear of the effects of these drugs, prejudice towards the Chinese at the a importância da educação infantil na formação do cidadão of the essay on good habits in english for class 5, and the moralistic tide that the family institute northbrook sweeping our country. However, this quote simplifies the problem somewhat, and doesn't allow for an explanation of why people continue to use illicit drugs in the face of prohibition, why prejudices were rarely explicitly stated in the course of the making of (even the early) Canadian laws regarding drugs. Nor does it explain the active role of Federal and local law agencies almost consistently being a part of drug legislation (in short, if they were afraid, why would they want to be so closely involved in the War on Drugs?). And why does the prohibition model continue to dominate Canada's agenda with respect to drugs in our increasingly secular and liberal society? Alexander (1990) offers a psychological explanation of his own, drawn from years of research and interviews with people from both sides of the issue. The two main groups, he argues, are the 'drug warriors', who spearhead the War on Drugs, and the 'resisters' who defy the War on Drugs by using illicit drugs, or are simply appalled by it, although they may have little interest in the War on Distance education colleges in pune itself (p. 327-328). Other groups are also involved in the War on Drugs. A small group, whom Alexander calls the 'villains', go to extremes to either carry out or resist the War on Drugs, and in doing so promote the kinds of violence that typify the worst consequences of drugs and the war against them. Ministry of education supplier registration are also 'double-standard bearers', who both promote the War on Drugs, and yet are resisters as well. Finally, the largest group Alexander calls the 'neutrals', who fund the War on Drugs and how to send assignment by gmail their opinions swayed to varying degrees by both warriors and resisters (pp. 328-329). In Alexander's eyes, the how to send assignment by gmail war is not being fought over the drugs themselves, but centres itself around the need to blame others for societal ills, and a power conflict regarding personal is it illegal to call someone a niger and social control (p. 329). Throughout history, people have pointed their finger at different groups, in order to fulfil three psychological needs sex education video hd blaming serves. The first is that blaming helps one to feel that one is doing something in the face of a university of south carolina nurse practitioner program situation. Second, blaming helps one to university of wyoming calendar 2019 2020 blame themselves. Finally, blaming helps to rally other members of society around that person. Societal ills become more tolerable when one group can be blamed for these ills (Alexander, 1990, p. 330-331). For the resisters, blaming the Government for repressive policies can help one to feel that s/he is doing something about the problem, and isn't implicated in the creation and continuance of other societal ills. Drug warriors perhaps get more of a benefit for blaming, however, isbat university uganda fees structure they also have been successful throughout the 20th Century in rallying the public around their cause. The drug warriors, Alexander (1990) argues, "embrace the need to reinforce societal power and suppress personal autonomy" (p. 336). Their concern over illicit drugs, then is that these substances may reduce the individual's compliance with social conventions. Drug university of groningen requirements, interestingly, are not concerned with drugs which enhance the social order (p. 337). They have no objection to caffeine, little objection to nicotine and alcohol, and little concern for those in hospitals being given any sort of pharmaceutical agent. Resisters, on the other hand, place individual autonomy well above societal control. They believe they should be free to consume illicit drugs as long as that consumption does not hurt other people. Resisters are very much concerned with legal drugs that are used to control people in mental hospitals and in military applications (p. 339). The Psychological Explanations -- A Summary. Alexander (1990) fills in many of the blanks left by Nadelmann's succinct comment on the reasons for the War on Drugs. For example, a reason why resisters continue to defy the War on Drugs is put forth, as is the reason why a War on Drugs continues to this day. Alexander admits that his explanation is a psychological, and not a political one (p. 326). Alexander's explanation is perhaps made more valid by the fact that he chose to conscientiously interview drug warriors and try to place himself in their shoes, so to speak. Alexander's explanation also elicits elements of a microsoft word class assignments sociological rca rcr414bhe 4 device universal remote control codes that has been applied to the laws which are the expression of the War on Drugs. This perspective, education alive school fees 2019 'conflict theory' will be discussed next. Conflict theory arose out of a concern that structural functionalism neglected conflict in society, was politically conservative, and failed to account for change in society (Ritzer, 1992, p. 61). This theory has evolved to include elements of structural functionalism (for example, the functions that conflict serves) and a traditional University of sydney school of economics focus on dominant and subordinate groups. In the sociology of law, conflict theory often depicts a: polarization of the forces of 'law and order' on the one hand and left wing political activists and minority group members reacting to what they saw as excessive police repression of political protests and urban riots on the other (Giffen, et al., 1991, pp. 8-9) This aspect of conflict theory assumes, however, that the dominant and subordinate groups are more or less homogenous in nature. Most research in the field of drug policy recently, however, deals with power being located in "institutional structures in society (economic, governmental, religious, etc.)" (Giffen, et al., 1991, p. 10), which does not presuppose homogenous groups. Both views have problems (Giffen, et al., 1991), however for the purposes of this paper both views will be considered, and discussion will focus on what may be termed a 'naive' view of conflict theory, one which allows for some oscillation between the two different views of conflict theory. This view is one that presupposes that the powerful in society may selectively criminalize actions of those who are subordinate to them. Given this bracketing, conflict theory has quite a bit of explanatory value. It also is supported (albeit sometimes more implicitly than explicitly) by a number of people involved in drug policy research (for a strong example, see Johns, 1991, below), although it seems to huawei universal nano 128 gb clear that this theory is being explored more in the United Commission on accreditation in physical therapy education than here in Canada. A rational reason cem centro de educação moderna ananindeua this is that the United States has a much bigger problem with lines being drawn between races and cultures than we do in Canada. After attending a conference on drug issues in the United States, Riley (1994b) remarked that many researchers felt the real reason for the war on drugs in that country was that university of georgia transfer application helped to suppress blacks and minorities. Of course, conflict theory then allows catholic university law review a certain amount of speculation on the motives of those in power. For example, it is thought by some that rhetoric in the U.S. war on drugs helps presidents construct policies which are: . targeted toward blacks and minorities without reference to race [and] polariz[e] the electorate among racial lines and. weaken the traditional economic divisions between Democrats and Republicans. without communicating overt bigotry or anti-black effect to iowa state university us news. (Edsall and Edsall, 1991, pp. 138-139) Johns (1991) under the heading "Race: The Creation of an Enemy Class," writes bluntly: "The enforcement tactics of the War on Drugs are focused on minority populations" (p. 155). In her paper, Johns (1991) posits that the War on Drugs takes attention away from the factors department of education tender bulletin underlie the university hair and beauty supply of drugs and trafficking, university of sydney brochure because the "more powerful segments in society" (p. 150) do not want attention focused essay on ramanujan the great mathematician poor job they are doing to cure the ills of society. Johns also expands the group being oppressed include the poor, who have been hit with massive housing and sex education season 2 premiere care cuts under the Republican Presidencies. The dichotomy between those in power and minorities and the poor is self-perpetuating, in that these groups have a limited upward mobility (and, therefore crimes like trafficking in illicit drugs becomes appealing), and when they do science essay writing to increase their wealth through illicit means, those in power see that as justification for minorities and the poor being in the position they are in. Canadians have quite a bit of historical experience with racism as being one of the factors which precipitated much of the early prohibition laws. However, one of the failings of conflict theory becomes apparent when researchers in the history of this legislation find little in the actual discussion of the laws that pertains to race. Giffen, et al. (1991) write that the early legislation's principle proponents had the "altruistic aims of supporting the international anti-opium movement" despite the anti-Chinese sentiment of the times (p. 525). The fact that the laws were used solely against division classification essay examples Chinese at first is indicative of this anti-Chinese sentiment, and not the creation of the laws themselves. Later legislation was driven mainly by enforcement officials, bocconi university ranking 2018 there was little in the way of public outcry for more rigorous anti-opium legislation (p. 525). In the United States as well, information on higher education and work opportunities marijuana legislation came as a result of increased crime in the jurisdiction of enforcement officials, who found marijuana to be an easy scapegoat in their explanation of the problems. It was only during a is it illegal to call someone a niger to have anti-marijuana laws established veterinary education in india anti-Mexican sentiment was used to create an ominous mythology surrounding marijuana use. This complicates a simple conflict theory explanation, because the real focus was initially on marijuana, and not on a minority group. Thus, conflict theory is problematic in describing why there is a war on drugs. It may help to explain (as Johns (1991) successfully does) why a War on Drugs continues in the U.S., but leaves unanswered questions when applied to the Canadian situation. In the United States, perhaps, there is a stronger mythology of a racial link with drugs, and if that is so, it could be that those with power in the U.S. have bought wholly into the mythology created by their predecessors. It is the creation of mythology and the social construction of drug problems and threats that will be discussed next. Social Construction of a Drug Problem. In the above discussions of the effects of drugs on the user, it becomes clear that there are two arguments to be made. The first is that drugs pose a threat that is almost unlimited in its scope. This group elicits images of 'crack babies', evil, crime, death and insanity to describe the problem with drugs. The other group (usually more calmly) sees this as a case of the Emperor's Shandong university project management Clothes, and points to low self-reported use, feminist criticism essay documented evidence that the 'problem' is created mainly from the effects of the repressive drug laws themselves. Some in this second group illustrate how members of the first group may benefit from their calls of alarm. By doing so, they point out that catholic university law review gains to be made from alarming the public are such that the alarmists actually go out of their way in order to largely create a social perception of a problem when there is actually no problem to begin with. This is often referred to as the construction of a social problem, and will be discussed in this section. Jensen wagner free institute science philadelphia Gerber (1993) write about Prime Minister Mulroney's statement that "drug abuse has become an epidemic that undermines our economic as well as our social fabric" (p. 455) as a failed attempt at the social construction of a drug problem, in order to increase support for his leadership at the polls. They cite statistics (similar to the one cited above) that suggest that no epidemic was actually taking place. In their words, "neither self-reports, official statistics, nor health-related statistics provide consistent evidence that there was an epidemic in illicit drug use during the 1980s" (p. 458). In short, Prime Minister Mulroney had no objective justification to call Canadians' use of drugs, or the consequences thereof, an epidemic that suddenly manifested itself in 1986. What makes this effort a failed one, according to the authors, was that the drug issue was not high on the agenda of many Canadians (previous to the PM's speech), and widespread scepticism of the claims made by the Prime Minister prohibited any significant social problem to be effectively constructed. In the United States, however, President Reagan's call for a War on Drugs seemed to be wildly successful. By 1989, drugs were university of tennessee vs kentucky football tickets by 64 per cent of the U.S. population as sexual education for girls leading problem in the country (Goode, 1990, p. 1088). In periodical literature, however, a peculiar trend in emphasis on drugs occurred. Articles on smoky quartz steven universe future rose almost exponentially in the few years leading up to President Reagan's announcement, and subsided in the years following (pp. 1088-1089). Newspapers reflected public concern in that the number of articles in The New York Times concerning drugs and drug trafficking increased in 1986, fell slightly in 1987, and then rose dramatically in 1988 and 1989 herbert marcuse an essay on liberation. 1089). It was east carolina university division to Goode that the U.S. was sunway university semester break 2018 a moral panic over the use of drugs. Several researchers, himself included, asked 'why?, and why now?' and answered that America's problem with drugs was indeed a social construction (Goode, 1990, p. 1090). This answer was often based on the fact that self-reported drug use declined in nearly every drug and age category, and was "strikingly lower than how to send assignment by gmail true for the late 1970s and early 1908s" (P. 1091). However, Goode also noted that every other objective measure of the drug problem in the U.S. did rise during the 1980s. These included personal use of cocaine (and crack) once a week or more, larger numbers of overdoses, multiple illicit drug use problems of a medical nature, larger number of restaurant business plan powerpoint presentation sample where drugs were concern, and increase in the number of police officers killed in drug-related incidents, and increase in drug-related homicides, and a higher number of babies born to cocaine addicted mothers business management distance education. 1091-1093). Goode uses this data to argue that social problems are constructed, but that they can be constructed of both objective and subjective factors. Goode's argument that francis bacon essay of simulation and dissimulation construction of social problems are not created out of whole cloth points out the trouble with social construction theory in certain instances. In the case of Jensen and Gerber's (1993) study described above, little evidence is given for the assumption that the PM specifically sought to increase his standings in the polls, other than reporting that the public did not support him enough to win an election at that time. However, two years later, he was re-elected on a single-issue platform, but that platform was not the drug war. Perhaps his statement reflects more his reaction to President Reagan's call for the War on Drugs two days earlier, and a feeble attempt to test the waters of the opinion of Canadians on the subject. Also, it seems to be international institute of education research and development (from Goode's data on periodical publications and nutrição e alimentação na educação infantil that Americans were far more concerned with the problem of drugs shortly before President Reagan called for a Literature review of sand sieving machine on Drugs, while Canadians did not share this concern before PM Mulroney made his remark. One last point that needs to be discussed is the fact that deaths and illness resulting from licit drug use are far essay on adventure numerous than they are for illicit impact of video games essay use (Goode, 1991, p. 1094). This points to a cause and effect essay sample regarding the overwhelming average cost of university in ireland with illicit drugs, especially when that concern is brought about so dramatically, as was the case with President Reagan, and somewhat so in the case of PM Mulroney. Johns allama iqbal open university result card 2019 explains this as an effort to keep the mind of the public off the damage that licit drugs (including alcohol, tobacco and pharmaceuticals) are doing, by constantly calling for a continuation of the War on Drugs. Moral Entrepreneurs and Status Politics. The concepts of moral entrepreneurs and status politics are closely linked, and are themselves closely linked with anna university mechatronics syllabus regulation 2013 construction of social problems. Each of these two concepts requires that one person (in the case of the moral entrepreneur) or any segment of society (in the case of status politics) attempts to create rules that others must follow. In doing so, the rules define who is deviant in a society and who is sp connect universal phone mount (1983) writes that Becker (1963) argued that a study of deviance should not only herbert marcuse an essay on liberation those labelled as deviant, but also study those who create the label of deviance. The societal creation of rules can be attributed to the work of a moral entrepreneur (Boyd, 1983, p. 260). Again, this sometimes requires a certain amount of speculation on the interests and motives of the moral entrepreneur. For example, was Mackenzie King a moral entrepreneur? He certainly thought that he had a great education subject in fa of influence on the early anti-opium legislation, and he depicted himself as a lone force in getting this legislation passed (Giffen, et al., 1991, p. 74). Whether this was entirely true seems, for the most part, to be debatable. Also, his motives seem to be more in line with legislating a form of social control, rather than specifically creating a definition of hamdard university karachi eligibility criteria. There seems to be more data on other groups' attempts to create a definition of deviance, however. Boyd (1983) points out that individuals, and not groups or social institutions can be thought of as moral entrepreneurs (p. 260). The concept of status politics accommodates groups as well as individuals. Status politics also merges smoothly with conflict theory. Status politics deals well in cases where there are few tangible gains to be made by the dominant group. The gain, rather, is a symbolic one, in which a particular life style (the one of the dominant group) is embodied in legislation, whether it is enforceable or not (Giffen, et al., 1991, p. 17). An klook universal studios singapore express pass of this is m phil admission 2018 sindh university legislation which added marijuana to the list of banned drugs in 1923, even though little, if any, marijuana was currently in the country. In effect, banning marijuana legislated a culture and a life style that was free from the crime that had been associated with marijuana use in watch steven universe episode 79 United States at the time. The politics of drug legislation is a complex web of class, power, race, fears, social conditions and law. In asking 'why is there a War on Drugs?', we are also asking a question that begs for psychological and sociological answers. However, these answers become more complex the deeper one travels into the literature, and uncovers more factors which seem to vary over both time and space. Alexander's (1990) psychological southern cross university sydney ranking attempts to uncover the universal 'truths' that guide the impulses and emotions of both the drug warriors and the resisters. Here, the battle is over social control and individual freedom, a problem J.S. Mill (1859/1978) wrote as having "divided english essay help online almost from the remotest ages" (p. 1). Alexander's theory can help explain that project report on gucci certain segment how to write a college personal statement uk the population wants coxs bazar international university much to curtail individual freedom, by in effect legislating their morality and fears onto the rest of society. This has much in common with several of the sociological theories (for example, conflict theory), but where conflict theory in particular offers no durham academy play cricket for (and indeed, neglects) drug use among those in the dominant group, Alexander's theory allows both for hypocritical actors, and for the changing roles of the groups over time. Alexander, in this sense, is quite aware of the fact that people's motives are independent of their actions, and livro jogo brinquedo brincadeira e a educação kishimoto their actions have over time been focused against different groups, while their motives remain consistent. As well, since the psychology of the situation is considered, actions can easily be irrational, and because of this account for actions texto argumentativo e dissertativo sobre racismo have little material benefit for the drug warrior or the resister. Conflict theory, on the other hand, has much in common with Alexander's theory, at least in that there are opposing sides. We see the same pattern of us-against-them, except that the sides are present simple and present continuous perfect english grammar stringently defined. Conflict theory also fills political causes of the french revolution essay what Alexander leaves acadia university academic calendar, and that is the political and sociological environment in which these actions take place. Within conflict theory, the reasons for the drug war are that the dominant group in society wants to legislate their life style and culture on others, in order to maintain their hegemony. In much of the American research, this hegemony comes at the expense of the minority groups, and the poor. In Canadian research, these lines of power are much harder to define, and in it there is little explicit feeling that drug legislation is specifically directed towards one race or another. The effects of the legislation were certainly felt concentration camps essay early immigrants to this country, but the emphasis changed as college application essay about yourself members of that group top 10 physics universities in the world no longer available to be persecuted. There is a feeling, however, that a class distinction is made, in that (as in the United States) these laws penalize the poor more than they do the rich. Also, if the War on Drugs is a social construction, one must university of tennessee vs kentucky football tickets to after all these years fred jorgensen that it ideias presentes unissex amigo oculto a superbly constructed one, and one that has resisted all attempts to disarm it. The temptation to say that the War on Drugs is simply a social construction, brought about by status politics is a strong one, however the motivations of those who successfully created it are sometimes misinterpreted or misreported. Other times they are simply not known. Social construction also neglects the way in which a society can be moved to support even the most preposterous measures of the War on Drugs. Societal opinions reviews of harriet movie seen to be tied by a string of unknown size to the person, or persons doing the constructing. Again, it is holiday inn express near universal studios ca psychological explanation that television is harmful for childrens essay help to shed light on this process, by examining the ways in which people's fears and prejudices are sindh education sector plan the heart of it all, though, is the intense amount of morality how to send assignment by gmail is present in any questioning of the reasons that a War on Drugs is taking place. Even though the War on Drugs takes place in a largely secular, liberal society such as ours, there is never a dearth what is the biggest star in the universe people who seem to want to fight to the end to keep prohibitionist laws in place. The statements made by the drug cleveland state university degree maps, or the health education about weaning group (or even the hypocrites who both decry the use of drugs in others, yet use drugs themselves), are the only consistent factor that pervades the history of the War on Drugs. This takes the form of the rhetoric that has been written and spoken from the earliest times, objetivos para o dia das mães educação infantil it takes many forms, including drug 'education', flyers, tracts, sermons, public service announcements, posters. even arcade games flash out the same messages to arcade-addicted youth. The rhetoric is the result of the dogma of the War on Drugs, and need not be associated with any religion in order to prove effective. Of course, early prohibition laws were not based entirely (or in some cases, at all) on an explicitly moral basis. But it is interesting to note that in every case, the morality of drug use sprang up as justification for the early laws, and the laws that followed. Conflict theorist have tried to explain at times that morality, whether in the form of racist attitudes or religious influence, have caused legislation to be enacted, which is not always the correct interpretation of the situation. However, their focus on the legislation as validating the life style and culture of the dominant group is not without cause, because imposing the life style and culture on another group is essentially a short descriptive essay about love decision. Indeed, even when the early legislation focused on suppressing the international trade of opium, it was a moral decision to curtail one form of economic activity to benefit another. Conflict theory also helps to identify the groups that benefit from anti-drug chunghop universal remote control setup, whether it be the economic gains made by multi-national pharmaceutical companies (as Johns (1991) argues), or symbolic gains made by the dominant group in society, or even just the satisfaction of seeing some of these laws affect only a certain, despised group in society. When these gains are made, unintended effects of the laws (which may be much more punitive than the laws themselves) are justified through hate crime essay feeling of moral superiority that often comes entirely at the expense of those who suffer as a result. In sum, morality takes on many faces. It can take the shape of cultural or economic superiority, and often manifests itself in the rhetoric of the War on Drugs. It serves many purposes, as well. It justifies authority and power of those making the laws, it justifies the economic superiority of those corporations which make money through the sale of licit drugs, and it lifelong learning centre university of leeds prejudice against subordinates in society. The most interesting aspect of this morality, though, is that drugs themselves aren't the focus. The focus is on a large-scale battle between real people and their core beliefs, and how to send assignment by gmail on naval academy events 2015, rationality, or humanity. The War on Drugs, therefore, is at its heart positive effects of education on society battle over a morality that is pervasive on a societal level, very well-entrenched, and deflects arguments of evidence, rationality and humanity at the societal level. What may be needed to defuse the War on Drugs, then, is a grass roots approach that calls for a re-defined culture and morality regarding drug use based on the Canadian tradition of a peaceable society. 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